In the digital era, the importance of information lies in its availability, use, and accessibility for the effective development of an information society (Pateria, et al., 2021). The term “information behaviour” was first coined by Wilson (1981) and has since become a central concept in understanding human interaction with information sources and channels. According to Savolainen (2007) the term “information behaviour” is employed to describe how individuals typically interact with information and may be conceived as an “umbrella concept” that provides a broader context for information studies. In his comparative study, Savolainen (2007) explores the evolution of information behaviour since the 1960s, suggesting that his concept gained prominence throughout the 1970s, particularly in studies focusing on information needs, seeking, and use.

Information-seeking behaviour is a core component of the broader concept of information behaviour. Wilson (1999) defines information-seeking behaviour as the purposeful search for information to satisfy a particular goal, which may involve interacting with manual and digital information systems. His model encompasses a broader understanding of information needs and their fulfilment. It involves identifying who needs information, what kind of information they need, for what purposes, how the information is found and evaluated, and how these needs are satisfied.

Wilson’s information-seeking behaviour models (1981; 1999), are based on the user’s perspective regarding information needs, suggesting that needs arise from individuals’ physiological, affective (emotional and psychological), and cognitive needs. Wilson identifies various barriers, including personal, role-related, and environmental ones that individuals face in meeting their information needs. To overcome these barriers, individuals engage with formal or informal information sources, which can result in either success or failure in obtaining relevant information. When successful, the acquired information is used, however, if the need remains unmet, the individual will repeat the search process (Wilson, 1999). Furthermore, Wilson suggests that basic information needs can stem from personal, interpersonal, situational, and information source characteristics. Numerous studies have applied Wilson’s information-seeking model to a wide array of topics. These include educational research (Berweger, et al., 2023), psychological studies (Charpentier, et al., 2022), career acquisition (Mowbray and Hall, 2020), decision-making processes (Criado-Perez, et al., 2023), and various health-related issues (Madge, et al., 2023).

Disasters, conflicts, and terror attacks being sudden and often unexpected events, lead to information-seeking behaviour that differs significantly from typical work-related or everyday life situations (Wilson, 2000). Hong et al., (2018) suggest that during emergencies and national disasters, the information needs of citizens can vary widely across different cultures, population groups, and countries. People would like to stay updated on the economic and social impacts, government responses, and even weather updates. Research on information-seeking behaviour during disasters has identified key media sources that people rely on. For instance, Gómez (2013) examined the responses of international students at Tohoku University during the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake. He found that students mainly relied on secondary sources, such as family and friends of the same nationality, who often lacked more accurate information than the students themselves did. Similarly, Rahmi et al. (2019) discovered that the primary sources of information for people during natural disasters, specifically earthquakes, were family, neighbourhood, broadcast media, and colleagues at work. Ryan (2013; 2016) studied information-seeking behaviour during slow-moving and flash floods in Queensland, Australia, and found that urban residents frequently learned about disasters through interpersonal contacts, including mobile, phones and face-to-face interactions. A previous study (Stainback, et al., 2020) suggested that increased confusion and lack of knowledge often lead to greater exposure to numerous information sources. Yavetz et al., (2023) who investigated the increased exposure to information sources during the COVID-19 pandemic, claimed that increased media consumption can raise feelings of information overload.

The way individuals cope with threatening or stressful situations can be understood through the “Monitoring and Blunting Model” (Miller, 1987; 1990), which is a psychological framework that describes two distinct coping styles: monitoring and blunting. People who adopt a monitoring approach actively seek out detailed information about the stressor, preferring to stay informed and continuously scanning their environment for relevant details. This strategy can enhance their sense of control but may also lead to increased anxiety, especially when faced with uncontrollable or ambiguous circumstances. In contrast, individuals with a blunting coping style attempt to minimise their exposure to threatening information by distracting themselves or mentally distancing from the stressor. This approach can reduce immediate emotional distress but may leave them less prepared or aware of critical details. Previous research by Rosenbaum and Benyosef (1995) explored how Israeli civilians coped with the threat of missile attacks during the 1991 Gulf War by seeking threat-relevant information. They suggested that participants were engaged in “war-monitoring” as a coping strategy, which involved actively seeking information about the war through electronic and print media, as well as by contacting friends and visiting areas hit by missiles. The extent of war-monitoring varied among individuals, with “high war-monitors” actively seeking extensive information, while “low war-monitors” sought minimal information. In a similar study, Zeidner and Ben-Zur (1993) also examined Israeli responses to missile attacks during the Persian Gulf War, noting that active information-seeking through media was among the most common coping strategies used by both men and women, helping them stay informed about the ongoing missile threats.

Information overload occurs when individuals are overwhelmed with more information than they can effectively process, leading to feelings of failure and negative emotions (Fan, et al. 2021). This not only reduces the efficiency of information acquisition and effectiveness of decision-making (Pero, et al., 2010) but also negatively affects individuals’ physical and mental health (Matthes, et al., 2020). Information overload can subsequently result in problems such as anxiety, depression, and social fatigue (Guo, et al., 2020).

Research conducted during crises has shown that the need for information can lead to widespread concerns and information overload. During the Russo-Ukrainian war, citizens faced significant stress and fatigue due to multiple sources and an overwhelming volume of war-related data, coupled with limited time to analyse it, resulting in information overload (Skarpa, et al., 2023). Similarly, the abundance of pandemic-related information during COVID-19 hindered timely and effective decision-making for protection and increased information overload (Bermes, 2021). Information overload can lead to several negative consequences, including frustration and stress (Umeozor, 2017), as well as information anxiety (Eppler and Mengis, 2004).

Wurman et al. (2001) stated that information anxiety can manifest in various forms. Firstly, it arises from the frustration of being unable to keep up with the amount volume of data in our lives. Secondly, it stems from the frustration with the quality of the information individuals encounter, particularly what is presented as new information. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, the widespread use of the Internet and social media has intensified this anxiety due to the overwhelming amount of available information, leading to challenges in absorption and processing (Xiao, et al., 2022). Moreover, past studies presented that information anxiety adversely affects decision-making processes and prompts information avoidance (Bawden and Robinson, 2009; Soroya, et al., 2021), a strategy for coping with information overload and anxiety (de Bruin, et al., 2021).

Information avoidance refers to any behaviour aimed at avoiding attention and exposure to specific available information, even if it may be personally relevant (Chae, 2016). The extent of information avoidance may vary depending on the type of content and its source (Chae, et al., 2020). This coping mechanism arises when learning or recalling information is associated with unpleasant emotions or necessitates undesirable actions, such as changes in attitude or behaviour (Sweeny, et al., 2010). These motivational responses underlying information avoidance are particularly relevant in crises, where the topic is perceived as threatening, prompting individuals to engage in self-protective behaviours that involve taking actions they would rather avoid (Link, 2021).

During crises, the constant influx of news and updates can be overwhelming, leading to information overload. This often results in information avoidance, a common reaction to the overwhelming nature of crisis news. Amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Qiong (2020) explored the impact of information overload on information avoidance, revealing its potential to induce negative emotions and reduce engagement with the information.

Additionally, various studies suggested that during natural disasters, people tend to avoid information to mitigate the negative effects of information overload while maintaining awareness of disaster developments. Koselioren and Cakir (2024) studied the earthquake in Turkey and found that as the density of information and news surged, people increasingly exhibited avoidance behaviour. This is consistent with recent research indicating that when news becomes too overwhelming or dense, people tend to avoid it (Mannell and Meese, 2022).

Based on the literature review figure 1 illustrates the current research conceptual framework:

The qualitative approach (Patton, 2015) used for this research has the goal of understanding a phenomenon, rather than measuring it. Consequently, qualitative researchers often start with broad, open-ended research questions and gather data through flexible methodologies like interviews, focus groups, observations, and document analysis. Qualitative inquiry is essentially exploratory, seeking to uncover insights within the data. This approach is chosen because it generally seeks participants who can provide deep insights into the phenomenon being investigated, thereby facilitating a better understanding of the core issues at hand. One form of qualitative research methodology is the case study, as described by Denzin and Lincoln (2005). Furthermore, Yin (2018) proposes that it can explore complex issues and offer insights into practical problems. In this study, a case study approach is utilised, involving an in-depth investigation and analysis of a specific situation: a complicated conflict.

The empirical data were gathered during the first month of the conflict. To gather data, researchers utilised social media platforms as a primary recruitment tool. They posted posts for participation on popular platforms, with a particular focus on Facebook and WhatsApp. The snowball sampling method was used to select the participants. This method is commonly employed in qualitative studies, involving relevant cases from individuals who know the subject matter (Creswell, 2013).

Before participating in the study, all interviewees were required to sign an informed consent form, which disclosed the purpose of the study and its research framework. All interviews were conducted on the Zoom platform. Each interview lasted approximately an hour and was recorded with consent. After transcription, the interviews were coded and analysed to identify significant themes.

Twenty-five Israeli citizens were interviewed. The sample size of 25 interviewees is consistent with best practices in qualitative research, where the focus is on achieving sufficient data repetition rather than statistical representativeness. According to Creswell and Poth (2018), a sample of 20 to 30 participants is typically sufficient for qualitative studies, as it allows for in-depth exploration of themes while also ensuring that the data is repetitive enough to reveal key insights. Moreover, Guest, et al., (2006) emphasise the importance of data redundancy or saturation, the point at which no new information or themes are discovered during the data collection process. Their research suggests that in homogenous groups, this saturation point can often be reached with as few as twelve participants, depending on the study’s focus and the similarity of participants’ experiences. The selection of 25 participants in this study reflects an effort to ensure that a wide range of perspectives was captured, while also adhering to the principle of saturation. This approach enhances the credibility of the findings, as it ensures that the data collected enable a nuanced understanding of the phenomenon under investigation (Lincoln and Guba, 1985).

Researchers used semi-structured, in-depth interviews. The average age of the participants was 46.5 (SD=10.27), with the oldest being 72 years old and the youngest 28. Other demographic details, such as religion and education, were also noted. Among the 13 religious participants, it is important to mention that five were ultra-Orthodox. Ultra-Orthodox religiosity entails a strong dedication to Halacha and tends to prioritise the more stringent rulings (Heilman and Friedman, 1991). To protect the privacy of the interviewees, their names were omitted from the report of the findings. They are identified by a serial number attached for each interviewee (see Table 1).

Semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 25 participants were conducted. In-depth interviews enable the gathering of information about the experiences and significance attributed by interviewees to a particular phenomenon. The interview questions were presented as open-ended to allow interviewees to facilitate their reflection on emotions, experiences, and perspectives regarding the research topic (Onwuegbuzie and Frels, 2015). (See Appendix 1).

The interview transcripts were coded and analysed using qualitative data analysis software (MaxQDA 2023). This software facilitated precise data recording, enabled in-depth keyword research, supported the creation of a preliminary category tree, facilitated cross-referencing between different texts, and assisted in the formation of new subcategories.

The data were collected using the Google Forms application and analysed using a “bottom-up” approach, employing thematic analysis to categorise the responses. This method enabled a comprehensive examination of the data, facilitating the identification of key categories and allowing for the classification of interviewees’ quotes to uncover common expressions and recurring themes. The analysis also aimed to enhance the trustworthiness and credibility of the data (Braun, et al., 2006; Yin, 2015). The coding process began with open coding of all research units, followed by the classification of significant units by one of the researchers. This analysis resulted in 307 statements, which were grouped into four main categories, each with several subcategories (see Table 2). The coding was not exclusive, meaning that the same statements could be assigned to multiple categories. To ensure inter-rater reliability, 30% of the statements were independently coded by a second rater, yielding a Cohen’s Kappa of 0.86. Table 2 presents the final set of categories and subcategories based on Wilson’s model.

The lack of information at the onset of the crisis prompts individuals to actively seek information through diverse sources to better understand the situation. As #20 describes, this information-seeking behaviour is driven by the urgent need for reliable updates and clarity in a chaotic situation:

Participants’ primary focus was on seeking information regarding army activities, and the war goals. As explained by F4: ‘This is what I'm checking out — it’s all about what’s happening here in the war, it’s about where the forces are. What’s going on? Where is it? I don’t feel like searching for something else or reading about anything else’. Furthermore, participants expressed a strong need for information related to community support and aid, as expressed by #13: ‘WhatsApp is used for communication purposes, security: alerts, and messages to residents to stay at home’. Additionally, four participants expressed a need for volunteering or assistance. #10 noted: ‘I search for information in WhatsApp groups and various Facebook groups, looking for opportunities to volunteer or provide transportation for people who need to travel across the country’.

According to the interviewees, at the onset of the crisis, information was scarce, which intensified their need to seek as much information as possible from various media sources. Nevertheless, within a few days, the situation shifted to the point where information began to “find” individuals effortlessly. As #1 describes this phenomenon: ‘I don't think anyone is looking for information; the information finds us’.

The following section addresses the information sources used to gather data and aims to answer the second research question (RQ2): What were the primary sources of information sought by the citizens during the crisis, and why did they choose these sources?

Information validation refers to the process of evaluating the accuracy, reliability, credibility, and relevance of information to determine its trustworthiness for a specific purpose or context. It involves critical assessment of the source, content, and methods of information generation to ensure its quality (Rieh, 2012). As participants encountered an overwhelming amount of information, they recognized a new challenge: the need to verify the reliability of information, given the prevalence of fake news and misinformation. This issue stemmed from a lack of formal information, leading to significant misinformation among citizens. False information, often driven by social media algorithms, can spread rapidly, making it harder for individuals to discern credible from unreliable sources (Friggeri, et al., 2014). Interviewees highlighted the critical need to validate information through cross-referencing and comparing multiple sources, as described by #12.

#12 addresses two key concerns related to information validation. The first is the importance of consulting multiple sources to triangulate information, enabling participants to conclude the validity of certain sources and whether to retain or discard them. This is particularly relevant in the context of misinformation, where cross-referencing is a crucial strategy to avoid falling for false claims or biased narratives (Vosoughi, et al., 2018). This issue is also echoed by #16 who shares: ‘I can also open several screens at the same time on my computer and cross-reference information to compare. This allows me to access several sites simultaneously’.

#12 also addressed a second concern regarding sources that have their agendas and are therefore not perceived as trustworthy. #5 underscores this issue: ‘I try to avoid sources with political biases or a clear political agenda. I prefer to focus on those that deliver straightforward, factual information’. Participants were sensitive to the influence of biased sources, with some emphasising the importance of choosing neutral, fact-based reporting to reduce the risk of being misled by false or biased information.

The exposure to numerous media channels and information sources at the onset of the crisis resulted in feelings of being overwhelmed, leading to information overload. This overload negatively affected participants’ information-seeking, prompting them to develop coping strategies to manage this barrier.

This section addresses the third research question (RQ3), which examined the barriers citizens encountered with information sources and how they dealt with these barriers. This category was derived from interviewees’ descriptions of their need and desire to cope with feelings of information overload and information anxiety and can be divided into three types of coping mechanisms.

This sub-category addresses the feelings of being overwhelmed experienced by the majority of participants (15 in total) within a few days. Interviewees reported a sense of information overload due to the extensive exposure to numerous media channels and sources. This overwhelming influx of information led them to reduce both their news consumption and active information-seeking. Interviewee #9 best described it: ‘You encounter a ton of information, and then you find yourself feeling stressed out, dealing with all sorts of things’.

The feeling of overload and anxiety stems from the severity of the disaster, as described by #4: ‘I feel like there’s this tiredness building up, and it hits me pretty fast. It’s definitely because of the intensity of the conflict which is much more tragic and painful’. The emotional grief was accompanied by physical feelings as expressed by #6:

According to Wurman (1989), information anxiety can result from either information overload or a lack of sufficient information. This phenomenon was well expressed by #20, an ultra-Orthodox participant:

Since the Ultra-Orthodox participants followed Halacha’s rigorous restrictions and on October 7 (Saturday), avoided using any electronic medium, they described feelings of tension and information anxiety.

From participants’ interviews, it was observed that both an abundance of information and a lack of information were identified as contributing factors to information anxiety.

While Miller’s (1987) Monitoring and Blunting Model outlines two primary coping strategies: monitoring and blunting, the current research identified a more nuanced spectrum of coping strategies, encompassing three distinct types: Monitoring information effectively, actively seeking information, and blunting/avoiding information. This expanded categorisation provides deeper insight and greater refinement into how individuals manage their information-seeking behaviours and cope with potential information overload and anxiety.

This group (16) represents individuals who possess the skills and strategies needed to strike a balance between satisfying their information needs and avoiding information overload. #23 addressed WhatsApp messages: ‘In the beginning, I used to read every message, but now I’m only in certain groups to stay in the loop. There’s just too much to read, and it’s overwhelming, I can’t keep up with it all’.

#2 discussed his approach to social media consumption, stating: ‘I’m fine with getting updates from official media articles. I don’t need to see everything, like photos. It doesn’t benefit me or add anything. So, in a way, I’ve even cut down my time on social networks’.

#15 relates to television consumption, mentioning: ‘I try not to watch TV too much. I catch the 8 pm news and sometimes listen to hourly updates, but I keep it minimal. The constant news can be overwhelming, and it’s a bit too much for me’.

The second category relates to active users who utilise various apps to access the latest news from diverse sources.

This category includes three participants who actively employ multiple apps to access the most updated news from a wide range of sources, effectively managing their information seeking and consumption. As described by #1: ‘I’m constantly dealing with a lot of information, more than I can handle. But I don’t see it as a problem. I like getting information from 7 to 10 different sources. Seeing new material doesn’t bother me, it’s all my choice’.

#21 reinforces this perception by saying that, for her ‘The more information I am exposed to, the more it calms me down’.

While those categorised as Monitoring Information Effectively often felt overwhelmed by the volume of information and experienced information overload, they chose to carefully monitor and regulate their information-seeking behaviour. This allowed them to strike a balance between meeting their information needs and avoiding further overload. In contrast, the Active Information Seekers pursued any available source of information, with a mindset that the more they accessed, the better they felt – even at the cost of experiencing information overload. The third category represents another extreme, consisting of six participants who avoid information. However, this group can be further categorized into two subgroups: passive and active users.

Five respondents identified themselves as Ultra-Orthodox Jews known for their strict religious practices (Cahaner, 2020). On October 7^th, they abstained from using any digital media. This passive information avoidance heightened their anxiety, as expressed by #6: ‘It’s when you feel a significant gap in information. You spend the whole Shabbat really on edge, feeling a lot of stress because you know something’s going on and the lack of information about it is just awful’.

On the other hand, #18, a non-religious individual, actively avoids using any digital or print media:

These three coping strategies highlight the different ways individuals interacted with information during the initial weeks of the war, illustrating the interplay between seeking information and managing information overload and anxiety.