The gender inequalities between men and women in Swedish municipal organizations have been well documented. Such inequalities are tied to the type of profession as well as to the organizational structure (SOU 2015; Svedenmark, Bolin and Nyhlén 2022) and to the continuance of New public management-practices (Lapsely and Miller 2024). Men, compared with women, are overrepresented in professions with better working conditions and are higher up in the hierarchical structure (Swedish Work Environment Authority 2017). The hierarchical segregation further enhances gender inequalities, with men dominating higher-ranking positions – generally characterized by better working conditions and health (Forsberg Kankkunen 2014; Siegrist and Marmot 2004). In 2021, Swedish municipalities had just under 34,000 managers (Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions 2022). The proportion of women in management positions decreases higher up the hierarchy. The share of women is 74 percent among first-line managers, decreasing to 64 percent among mid-level managers, and 52 percent among top-level managers (Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions 2022). Even though the number of female managers is slightly higher than that of male managers in Swedish municipalities, the working conditions for leadership roles can vary between administrations within the same municipal organization. For instance, when comparing the conditions for municipal managers in home care and in technical administration, home care managers tend to have more subordinates, whereas technical administration managers are typically offered better access to administrative support and material resources (Björk and Härenstam 2016; Swedish Work Environment Authority 2014). This situation may be explained by the cultural tendency to devaluate women’s performance, and the conventional tasks predominantly performed by women, such as caregiving (and associated professions), which have lower social prestige and offer lower salary than tasks and professions traditionally associated with men, such as technical tasks (England 1992; Kilbourne et al. 1994; Salminen-Karlsson and Fogelberg Eriksson 2023).

In Sweden, employers are mandated to take responsibility for the physical, psychological and social conditions that are important for ensuring a healthy work environment and preventing work-related illnesses (Ericson 2019; Swedish Work Environment Authority 2015). In politically governed organizations, such as municipalities, the primary obligation for ensuring a healthy work environment falls upon the accountable politicians as they act as representatives of the municipality in their role as employers. The politicians’ administrative responsibility for work environment management is regulated by law in the Work Environment Act (SFS 1977:1160) and in Systematic Work Environment Management (AFS 2001:1). The municipal council holds the ultimate employer responsibility for the work environment and for ensuring a written line-of track for the allocation of work environment duties to the municipal executive board and to the committees with operational responsibilities. Thus, politicians in municipal organizations can formally delegate specific workplace environment tasks to civil servants and managers, but not the responsibility for ensuring compliance with work environment legislation, which always remains with the politicians as employer representatives (Work Environment Act SFS 1977:1160).

The Work Environment Act (SFS 1977:1160) is explicated in numerous provisions emphasizing the employer’s responsibility to plan, lead, and supervise operations in a way that ensures a healthy work environment. It also stipulates that the employer must take all necessary measures to prevent employees from being exposed to health risks or accidents (Work Environment Act SFS 1977:1160). For example, the employers’ obligations include reviewing the working environment and risks for ill health and accidents in the organization regularly (Systematic Work Environment Management AFS 2001:1).

The politicians’ decisions regarding budgets, organizational structures, reforms and control systems can have profound implications for gender inequalities regarding working conditions and well-being of employees. Drawing on devaluation theory, with New Public Management (NPM) as a contextual backdrop, this study examines how municipal politicians in Sweden, who are responsible for essential services such as education, social welfare, urban planning, and infrastructure management (e.g., roads, water), understand gender inequalities in the working conditions of female- and male-dominated professional groups and how their governance may contribute to or mitigate these inequalities. To our knowledge, no study has yet examined municipal politicians’ perspectives on their responsibility for the work environment and their perceptions of what contributes to the maintenance of gender inequality in municipal organizations

Within the field of public administration, numerous studies have documented gender-based pay disparities; however, they often adhere to conventional explanations and thereby overlook the underlying factors that perpetuate this enduring inequality (Pandey et al. 2023). Although existing research often acknowledges the wage gap, many analyses remain bound to traditional economic explanations, overlooking the deeper social roots of undervaluation (Sandberg et al. 2018). Devaluation theory, also referred to as comparable worth discrimination, is a widely used sociological explanation for inequalities stemming from the gender composition of various occupations. According to this theory, which extends beyond surface-level observations of inequity, devalued groups exhibit two key characteristics: they are seen as having low status, and they feel that their group does not receive respect or recognition from their organizational community (Ashforth and Kreiner 1999). Worth discrimination occurs when male-dominated occupations are assigned higher value than female-dominated ones. The prevalent social devaluation of women’s work leads to reduced wages in female-dominated occupations, affecting both men and women in such occupations (England 1992; Kilbourne et al. 1994). For example, a recent study shows how the reproduction of pay inequalities in Swedish municipalities at the organizational level is made possible by the overall societal discourses on the value of women’s and men’s work (Salminen-Karlsson and Fogelberg Eriksson 2023). Another form of gender-based devaluation occurs when traditionally feminine responsibilities, such as caregiving, are undervalued owing to their historical association with women (England 1992; Rubery and Grimshaw 2015). Thus, discrimination occurs at the occupational level rather than at the individual level. According to the devaluation theory, because women are culturally undervalued, tasks and jobs traditionally associated with them receive lower value than those associated with men; this also becomes institutionalized within the wage structure (England and Folbre 2005; Koskinen Sandberg 2018; Le Grand 1997; Muzio and Tomlinson 2012).

From an occupational health perspective, the devaluation of women’s labor may increase the risk of poor working conditions and subsequently of poor health owing to an imbalance between what is needed to get the work done (in terms of effort, training and risks) and the rewards that follow (such as payment, prestige and career opportunities) (Leineweber et al. 2020). In line with this, European data show that women have higher sickness absence rates than men (Swedish Social Insurance Agency 2023a). Of all European countries, the difference in sickness absence rates between women and men is the highest in Sweden, with the former at 3.3 percent and the latter at 2 percent sickness absence rate. In a comparison of Swedish municipal branches, the number of initiated sick leave days per 1,000 employees is nearly double in the female- dominated care sector, with an average of 18.2 sick leave days, compared to the male-dominated technical sector, which averages 9.8 sick leave days per 1,000 employees (Swedish Social Insurance Agency 2023b). Both citizens and employees at different organizational levels hold stereotypical gender expectations (Björk, Forsberg and Bejerot 2011; Hedegaard and Ahl 2013; Porter and Muhonen 2021). Employees use gender as a framework to understand their roles within an organization, and they engage in – and are subject to – gender-related behaviors (Acker 1990). Because men have historically held control over social and political institutions, they have also influenced the conventions within those institutions (Duerst-Lahti and Kelly 1995; Grimshaw and Rubery 2007). In support of this, Stivers (2000) argues that public organizations tend to promote masculine characteristics to enhance their perceived legitimacy, in line with the prevailing gender norm. Devaluation theory does not imply that employers intentionally devalue women; instead, it points to a societal culture of undervaluing women’s work, wherein members of society assign less value to work performed by women compared with that performed by men. Municipal politicians, as members of society, can therefore also be assumed to be influenced by cultural gender-based devaluation.

The devaluation of women’s labor is not just a historical issue, but an ongoing process influenced by modern governments, employers, and management practices (Grimshaw and Rubery 2007). NPM emerged in the mid-1980s, adopted into public management based on models from the male-dominated private business sector (Montin 2007). NPM describes the adoption of new methods, concepts, and principles in public sector organizations in Western industrialized nations, with a focus on accountability, efficiency, deregulation, decentralization, performance measurement, outsourcing, and competition (Hood 1995; McLaughlin et al. 2002). Several studies have raised concerns about the negative impact of NPM-style reforms on gender equality in public organizations. This concern includes recognition that the techno-economic rationality in NPM represents a masculine norm. Emphasizing competition and strong leadership among politicians and officials exemplifies this masculinization (Lapsely and Miller 2024), as does using values to define success based on a techno-economic rationale rather than a care-oriented one, even in, for example, social services (Welander, Astvik and Isaksson 2018). In line with this, it has been suggested that NPM’s rise has diminished women’s influence in local politics, reinforced men’s dominance in management roles (Hedlund 2013), and promoted a masculine culture within public institutions (Thomas and Davies 2002; Hedegaard and Ahl 2013). Attempts to establish a distinct hierarchical leadership structure and decentralize responsibility for results and expenses have been linked to increased work demands without sufficient resources to manage them, particularly in female-dominated sectors in public organizations (Audit Commission 2002; Astvik, Melin and Allvin 2014; Chandler et al. 2015; Conley, Kerfoot and Thornley 2011; Härenstam 2005; Shanks, Lundström and Wiklund 2015).

In the 2000s, a shift in what Connell (2005) terms hegemonic masculinity occurred, with the introduction of a softer version of NPM. Ideas such as democratization, process-oriented management, and communicative leadership became more central, and direct alignment with private business was no longer seen as modern (Hedlund 2006). However, this softer approach did not address economic inequality as a form of structural injustice, and issues of redistributing economic resources along gender and class lines remained largely ignored (Hedlund 2013). In 2016, the Swedish government formed a delegation to explore how trust-based management could be enhanced in the public sector. The goal of this investigation was to determine how public welfare management could be improved by better utilizing the skills and experience of employees to deliver higher-quality services for citizens and businesses (SOU 2018). The delegation identified several issues, such as poor collaboration within and between public organizations, increasing administrative burdens, and the monitoring of targets that do not benefit the organization. According to the delegation, these problems stemmed from governance and management practices (SOU 2018). However, although employees are seen as central to addressing these challenges, Swedish research has shown that implementing a trust-based approach at the operational level is challenging when public organizations are still driven by NPM logic, which prioritizes control and efficiency (Håkansson 2022) Without significant organizational or institutional reforms, trust-based governance is more likely a continuation of NPM practices rather than a true shift towards a different model (Håkansson 2022). Recent research (Lapsely and Miller 2024) indicates that NPM remains prevalent in government bodies and agencies, where calculation and quantification continue to dominate, which arguably exacerbates the challenges of gender inequalities in public organizations.

Gender inequalities and the working conditions of employees in public organizations often receive limited political attention. Their significance in political discourse is typically fleeting and takes a back seat to cost-cutting measures aligned with NPM logic. Political choices that shape all professions within the municipal sector are, either directly or indirectly, influenced by decisions related to resource allocation, which in turn are suggested to be influenced by NPM as well as long-standing gender-based norms and expectations. The present study aims to investigate how municipal politicians, accountable for the work environment of their employees, understand gender inequalities in working conditions within municipal organizations. Additionally, it explores their perceptions of what may contribute to the reproduction of these gender inequalities.

The sub-themes summarizing politicians’ understandings of gender inequalities and of the way in which they may (inevitably) contribute to reproducing them are presented in Table 3.

This study reveals that municipal politicians, responsible for the work environment of their employees, acknowledge the gender inequalities in working conditions in their organizations and their implications for occupational health. Nevertheless, many politicians consider these inequalities to be reproduced by organizational culture, tradition, norms and organizational structures beyond their own control, which increase the risk of unintentionally reproducing the inequalities.

The interviewed politicians across the studied committees identified heavy workloads, staff absences, challenging work schedules and inadequate material prerequisites as key factors negatively impacting the working conditions in female-dominated caring occupations. Moreover, the perceived consequences of these differences included increased stress levels, higher rates of sick leave and turnover, and difficulties in recruiting and retaining trained staff in these occupations. Although politicians acknowledged these issues, their responses showed a troubling lack of action to challenge the organizational norms that sustain gender inequalities, avoiding direct efforts to solve these problems. This passive approach to political leadership perpetuates the reproduction of gender inequalities within organizational structures. It indicates that unlike fields such as engineering, female-dominated professions such as nursing or teaching could be labelled as “semi-professional” and assigned lower “comparable worth” (England and Folbre 2005; Muzio and Tomlinson 2012;), representing yet another form of undervaluing women’s work.

Moreover, the results showed that the organizational culture within municipal organizations plays a crucial role in perpetuating gender inequalities. The deeply ingrained norms, values and beliefs favoring male-dominated occupations contributed to the reproduction of disparities in working conditions. Despite some awareness of these disparities among politicians, a pervasive acceptance of these cultural norms was noted, with only few actively challenging or questioning them. Organizations characterized by masculinity prioritize the rules, procedures, rituals and norms that align with traditionally masculine attributes, often marginalizing or undervaluing aspects associated with caregiving (Mastracci and Arreola 2016). Duerst-Lahti and Kelly (1995) suggest that men’s historical dominance over social and political institutions has shaped these institutional norms and conventions. Consistent with Mackay’s (2014) findings, outdated rules often linger, and new proposals face resistance from dominant groups wary of altering existing gendered power dynamics.

Our findings indicate that manifestations of masculinity permeate municipal financial structures. Technical sectors operate more autonomously and generate revenue, while care sectors depend on council-allocated budgets, an arrangement echoing traditional “breadwinner” roles. Such distinctions are underscored by labels like “investment budget” (technical) versus “operating budget” (care), which reinforce hierarchies favoring male-dominated work. As a result, female-dominated sectors often enter budget negotiations from a defensive stance, limiting their ability to secure resources. These findings also highlight how broader organizational and political frameworks, particularly under NPM, shape municipal politicians’ perceptions of gender inequalities. Although laws (Work Environment Act, SFS 1977:1160; Systematic Work Environment Management, AFS 2001:1) confer ultimate workplace environment responsibility on politicians, many feel constrained by hierarchical governance and entrenched cultural norms. Some politicians saw themselves as passive observers, reluctant to challenge established structures that reproduce gender disparities. The interviewed politicians recognized systemic issues in female-dominated professions, such as heavier workloads, fewer resources, and undervaluation of women’s work, yet also note that revenue-generating technical sectors receive more political and financial support (Salminen-Karlsson & Fogelberg Eriksson 2023). Their awareness of these structural inequities is tempered by limited perceived capacity to advocate for change. Under NPM’s emphasis on efficiency, performance metrics, and cost- cutting, caring occupations endure strict budgetary limits, while technical sectors can request additional funds. This dynamic perpetuates the devaluation of caring work (see England 1992). Politicians’ reflections further reveal a tension between acknowledging gender inequalities and navigating NPM imperatives. Many expressed frustrations at the slow pace of progress in caring sectors, yet the institutional focus on cost efficiency makes structural reforms challenging. These observations align with critiques arguing that market-driven principles exacerbate gender inequities in public organizations (Conley et al. 2011; Thomas and Davies 2002; Hedegaard and Ahl 2013).

It should also be noted that previous research has identified shortcomings in collaboration, where Swedish politicians perceive that civil servants may withhold information, thereby limiting their ability to influence and control resource allocation (Falkenström and Höglund 2019; Werntoft and Edberg 2015). The lack of accurate information about the work environment could arguably hinder politicians’ decision-making processes, as well as their understanding and approach to work environment-related issues. In this context, the responsibility for perpetuating gender inequalities cannot rest solely with individual politicians. While they have agency in their decision-making, the aforementioned shortcomings in collaboration with civil servants, along with the institutional norms, financial structures, and regulatory frameworks in which they operate, serve as significant barriers to change.

In conclusion, this study contributes to the field of international public administration by offering nuanced insights into the interplay between gender inequalities, governance structures, and work environment management. While the existing literature (Panday et al. 2023) stresses the need for deeper theoretical perspectives centering gender and moving beyond surface-level indicators of inequality, our findings exemplify how these deeper structural and cultural processes play out within local-government contexts. In particular, the results highlight how an organizational culture influenced by masculine norms, when combined with NPM frameworks, can inadvertently contribute to the devaluation of predominantly female-dominated caring work. This aligns with broader concerns of “undervaluation” noted in the public administration literature (Sandberg et al. 2018; McGinn and Patterson 2005; Fernando et al. 2019).

Although situated within the specific context of Sweden, the findings resonate with broader challenges in public administration globally, especially in systems influenced by NPM and entrenched cultural norms. It underscores how NPM principles, which prioritize efficiency and cost-cutting, exacerbate these disparities by marginalizing caregiving roles and privileging revenue-generating, male-dominated sectors. This intersection of NPM and gender dynamics advances our understanding of how structural biases are embedded in public sector management and resource allocation, reinforcing societal devaluations of women’s work. Unexpectedly, while politicians in the study demonstrated awareness of gendered inequalities, they viewed themselves as passive actors constrained by organizational structures, norms, and financial frameworks. This challenges traditional assumptions of political agency and highlights the need for more proactive political leadership to disrupt entrenched inequities.

The findings highlight resource constraints, organizational culture, and institutional norms as key factors explaining the gap between awareness and action, while also illuminating why gender inequalities persist globally (World Economic Forum 2024). Scholars of feminist theory and social construction have long stressed the undervaluation of caregiving roles (Collins 2020; England and Folbre 2005). Our study illustrates this dynamic within municipal governance, where politicians recognize inequities but feel constrained by budgets, norms, and organizational culture. These insights underscore previous calls for public administration (Pandey et al. 2023) to adopt interdisciplinary theories rooted in the social sciences, thereby reframing routine decision-making processes that perpetuate or exacerbate gender inequalities. Hierarchical governance structures and budgetary rigidity further impede progress toward equity by favoring male-dominated sectors and perpetuating structural imbalances. Their embedded nature, combined with public administrators’ perceived limited agency, helps explain ongoing stagnation and persistently poor working conditions in female-dominated care sectors. The results emphasize the need to re-evaluate governance models that balance efficiency with equity. Through municipal politicians’ perspectives, the results reveal the dual roles of decision-makers and employers, exemplifying the multiple responsibilities public administrators undertake as political leaders. Although these roles vary across contexts, politicians universally face the challenge of managing obligations to constituents, political parties, and organizations (Vabo 2000).

The findings underscore a need for accountability mechanisms that compel politicians to address systemic inequalities, despite the inherent challenges this entails. Future research could explore the efficacy of gender-responsive budgeting, the role of political leadership in challenging organizational norms, and the transferability of these findings to other governance systems, such as federal or regional governments. By doing so, public administration can move closer to achieving its ethical mandate of fairness and equality in governance and workplace practices.

The study was funded by a research grant from AFA Försäkring [Insurance] (Dnr. 210071).

No conflict of interest was reported by the authors.