Kvinnor, barn och politik
DOI:
https://doi.org/10.55870/tgv.v22i3-4.4279Abstract
Although the Swedish fertility rate has varied a lot during the 20th century the dominating trend has still been negative. The variations are primarily the result of different political activities which have encouraged family building and fertility at certain periods. In the 1930s the politicians had to act since the fertility rate had reached very low levels and very soon they agreed on an extensive programme directed at families. In the beginning of the 1980s the fertility rate was once again considered very low and the politicians had to take action. This time they had to deal with a reality very different from the 1930s. Women's wish to combine paid work with a family had to be met more seriously. A programme including expansion of child care facilities, longer parental leave, higher child allowances etcetera was therefore introduced in a short space of time; and as the economic situation became better the fertility rate rose as did the occurrence of female employment. In the beginning of the 1990s a severe economic recession hit the country with increasing unemployment råtes and decreasing employment råtes. In the end of the 90s the fertility rate was again considered very low and the politicians had to act. The programme, designed to improve fertility, has not yet started and we therefore do not know its immediate impact. So far the recipe seems however to be (almost) the same as earlier and the question is whether this will work or not. The answer may be closely linked to the kind of family-model the policy, directly or indirectly, supports. It is obvious that the policy of the 1930s encouraged the male bread winner model and that the policy of 1980s supported the double-bread winner model and the natural question is therefore: What kind of family model does the programme of the 2002s support? The answer to this is of crucial interest since I am convinced that the gender equity within families and households will play a major role in this, and my conclusion may therefore be expressed in one single question: Does the policy introduced in the beginning of the twentyfirst century support and encourage a family model where gender equity will be realized or not?
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